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During the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, there was anti-American rioting in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia that caused considerable damage to many American businesses.

Finally, there would be the domestic political costs of sustaining such a policy, including an Arab-American population that would grow increasingly more unhappy with seemingly endless U.

The United States threatened nuclear war on several occasions to compel the Soviets to cease actions it found threatening over Cuba and Berlin, and during the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.

What all of this means for the moderate Arab states is that trouble in the Arab-Israeli arena taps into the huge pool of Arab anger and resentment, which gets expressed not only against Israel but against the United States and its policies as well.

On the Iraqi military in the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, see Pollack, Arabs at War, pp.

After the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, the Arabs imposed an oil embargo on the United States and the Bahrainis terminated their lease agreement with the U.

Along these lines, those who favor the Reconstruction Approach argue that the perception of the United States in the Arab world would be greatly enhanced by demonstrating a commitment to building a stable, prosperous Iraq with a government that represented its people rather than repressing them, because this would dispel the claims that the United States is interested only in installing autocrats and does not care about the average Arab--a view that would be greatly reinforced by pursuit of the Pragmatic Approach.

Indeed, the Egyptians know that Saddam believes a new Arab-Israeli war would be to his benefit and is trying to stir one up--something that would be catastrophic for their own interests.

The Israelis also know that Saddam believes that a new Arab-Israeli war would serve his interests and he is actively trying to foment one, including by providing support to Palestinian rejectionist groups.

We would not have to worry about Saddam striking any of our regional allies, destroying or seizing their oil fields, supporting terrorism, or undermining the Arab-Israeli peace process and other initiatives to build a better Middle East.

Who knows why Saddam might want to do such a thing--to gain a better position to influence the Arab-Israeli dispute, to reassert his bid to Arab leadership, or for some other reason known only to himself--but his invasions of Kuwait and Iran were equally mystifying at the time.

Iraq had also sent large armored forces to fight against Israel in the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, was a key supporter of several Palestinian terrorist groups, and had led the condemnation of Egypt for signing the Camp David Peace Accords with Israel in 1978.

In fact, only a few months later, in June 1982, Iraq would instigate the assassination of Israel's ambassador to Great Britain to try to spark the long-expected Israeli invasion of Lebanon that Saddam hoped would create a new Arab-Israeli war that would somehow convince Iran to cease combat operations against Iraq in order to concentrate its forces against Israel.

In November 1984, Saddam's foreign minister, Tariq Aziz, went to Washington to normalize ties with the United States and announced that Iraq would accept "a just, honorable, and lasting settlement" to the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Tariq Aziz, among others, stated that Iraq would drag Israel into the conflict to turn it into a new Arab-Israeli war that would force the Arab members of the coalition to choose between fighting their Iraqi Arab brothers or their Zionist enemy.